Which of the following claims (if any) does Collins make about how participatory democracy can help address pressures to de-politicize intersectional analyses?
Both are aspirational social justice programs that take form through institutional political forms and practices.
Neither face challenges in attempting to protect democratic governance from neoliberal nation-states.
Both have been prominent in mid-twentieth-century social justice movements in the United States.
All of these correctly state how participatory democracy can aid intersectional analysis.
None of these correctly states how participatory democracy can aid intersectional analysis.